The weird world of teenage cultists!

Cultism is one of the major problems confronting Edo State and, of course, any Commissioner of Police posted to the state. The rate  at which youths in the state, particularly in Benin-City, “blend” into different cult groups is so worrisome to law enforcement agents who try to stop them, some times during initiations, at the late hours of the night.

But the situation is more worrisome in Benin-City, after the police command in the state discovered that  teenagers  are being initiated into two cult groups. Eiye Confrarnity and Hallah of the Night.

Last week in Benin-City, Edo State Police Commissioner, Funso Adebanjo, paraded 15 youths, between ages 13 and 15, suspected of being cultists, with different arms and ammunition. The suspects were said to have been arrested at Unewa village near Uromi and Ologbo town respectively, and confessed to being members of  Eiye Confraternity and Hallah of the Night. Some of the items recovered from them include two battle axes, one Eiye Confraternity flag and a calabash.

The Edo  police boss, Adebanjo, explained that eight suspected members of the Hallah of the Night were arrested in Uromi while seven members of the Eiye Confraternity were arrested at Ologbo.

“They confessed that they were initiated by other members of the group. We  are surprised that little boys are going into cultism and they did not deny,’’ Adebanjo said. ‘’Some  of them said they just felt that belonging to a cult group will give them the confidence that they are now big boys. Majority of them are secondary school students, but some are out of school, especially those who are in Eiye, those ones who are members of the Hallah of the Night are secondary school students. We discovered that this issue of peer group where children mix with friends is very dangerous because that is how these people are initiated into cultism. It is unfortunate that it happens, parents have a role to play to protect their children

. ‘’The law will not spare them if they commit any offence, no matter their age. What they are doing is unlawful and that is how they enter into crimes like armed robbery and kidnapping. We have discovered that these cultists are fearless and they are the ones who can do anything, they can be ruthless. These are people who will storm people’s houses and slaughter their targets like the ISIS group in Iraq or even Boko Haram. We watch the ones they do in Iraq and think it is impossible, but it happens here in Nigeria.

‘’These cultists behead themselves when they are fighting. And that is why people like us are bothered because it has gone down to secondary and primary schools and that is worrisome and unfortunate. Their sponsors  deceive them that they will be protected and these teenagers will join. It is very unfortunate; that is why parents must watch their children seriously, particularly the friends they keep. ‘’We will take them to juvenile court while those above 18 will be taken to a regular court”. The police boss  further warned that the police in Edo would not tolerate any form of cultism, describing it as barbaric “and anyone caught will be dealt with accordingly.’’

One of the suspects, who identified himself as John Osagie, 13, spoke about  how he joined the Hallah of the Night. “What happened was that some of my friends became so strong in school that people feared them. So they told me if I wanted to be strong, I should come and be their member. That is how they took me to the bush and I became a member.’’

VANGUARD

I WAS NOT ENGAGED BY ANY PARTY – DR DAVIES

Amid the dust raised by his allegation linking a former governor of Borno State, Senator Ali Modu Sheriff, and an erstwhile Chief of the Army Staff, Lt. General Azubuike Ihejirika, with the sponsorship of Boko Haram, an Australian negotiator, Dr. Stephen Davis, at the weekend, gave insight into how Abubakar Shekau hijacked the Islamist group.

“The Boko Haram we see today is not the Jama’atu Ahlul Sunnah Lih Da’awa wal Jihad (JAS) that was operational under Yusuf – former  JAS leader killed by the police in 2009”, Davis told Sunday Vanguard in an interview.

In the interview conducted online, the negotiator said: “Shekau formed Ansaru which he used for kidnapping and beheading victims.  This behaviour was a major departure from the original mandate of the JAS which was to purify Islam and return it to the exemplary life of the Prophet. Many among the JAS leadership are no longer active and others have been killed. This has allowed Shekau to take the JAS to a more extreme action and expand the frontiers of kidnapping, bombing and slaughtering. The Boko Haram we have today is a much expanded Ansaru. What we see now is not the Yusufiya which wanted very much to settle a score with former Governor Ali Modu Sheriff. It is Boko Haram as a partner to ISIS and Al Shabaab”.

Davis admitted that he came to Nigeria in April to facilitate the release of the Chibok girls abducted by Boko Haram, but denied that he was engaged by any party and therefore had no obligation to report to anyone.

He claimed to have interacted with former commanders of JAS and others close to Boko Haram during his visit to Nigeria.

Davis didn’t speak with real Boko Haram leaders – Nigerian negotiator
Meanwhile, a Nigerian negotiator claimed, yesterday, that Sheriff and Ihejirika could not have been Boko Haram sponsors as  the two men were actually sworn enemies of the Islamist group.

The negotiator, who didn’t want to be named for security reasons, told Sunday Vanguard that neither Sherrif nor Ihejirika was a sponsor of the sect.

The source, who has been assisting the government to find a lasting solution to the insurgency in the North-east, pointed out that Sheriff was even one of the three most wanted enemies of the sect. He did not say who the other two were.

“The statement credited to advise that Sherriff and Ihejirika are sponsors of Boko Haram is far from the truth because, as at  today, the former Borno governor remains one of the three worst enemies of Boko Haram”, he stated.

“I can tell you that the group has not forgiven Sheriff over the killing of its leader, Mohammed Yusuf, who was arrested and killed during his tenure as governor”.

Confirming the claim by Davis  that he was not hired by the Nigerian government to broker peace with the sect, the source said that the Australian came on his own to secure the release of the Chibok girls.

He said that while in Nigeria, Davis never met the real commanders of Boko Haram but depended on information from a member of the Presidential Committee on Dialogue and Amnesty for information on the activities of the sect.

The source blamed what is now playing out  on the issue of Boko Haram sponsorship on the information given to Davis by the member of the presidential committee.

He said,”We can say with all amount of seriousness that Davis did not meet the leadership and main commanders of Boko Haram during his visit to the North-east.

“If Davis insists that he met with any senior commander or leader of the sect, we challenge him to mention their names and ranks”.

MY BOKO HARAM STORY

I first met Dr. Stephen Davis at the American Centre for Strategic and International Studies, Washington, in June 2009. At that time, the Australian was assisting the Federal Government of Nigeria to broker peace with the irate Niger Delta militants, who had taken up arms against the administration and almost rendered its oil-dependent economy comatose through oil theft, destruction of facilities and kidnapping of oil workers.

We lost contact until I got to know that he had been involved in the effort to free the Chibok girls. Some other reports claimed he was hired by government to negotiate with Boko Haram.

However, in this interview, Davies makes it clear he was never engaged by the Nigerian government to dialogue with the sect.

Excerpts of the interview.

What do you have to show that you were engaged by the Nigerian government to negotiate with Boko Haram?
I was not engaged by the Federal Government of Nigeria, any state government or any other party. I went to Nigeria in late April in an effort to facilitate a handover of the Chibok captives after discussing such a possibility with former commanders of JAS (Jama’atu Ahlul Sunnah Lih Da’awa wal Jihad otherwise known as JAS) and others close to Boko Haram.
Why did you release the report of your assignment to the media instead of sending it to  government?

I did not construct a report of my efforts in Nigeria. As I said earlier, I was not engaged by any party and therefore had no obligation to report to anyone.

Some Nigerians find it curious that you decided to give your report only to Arise TV,  owned by a Nigerian, Nduka Obiagbena, who also owns Thisday Newspapers  and may be sympathetic to some politicians in Nigeria.

I gave a radio interview to the ABC in Australia which  subsequently told me that after the transcript was posted to their online site, it had been picked up in the UK and Sky News requested an interview. In the hope of bringing attention to the many other girls and boys kidnapped by Boko Haram, I agreed to a television interview. That interview took place in Channel 7 studios in Australia and it was at that point that I was told it was an interview with Arise TV. I had not heard of Arise TV and did not know it was owned by a Nigerian or indeed that it had any association with Nigeria. At the time of giving the TV interview, I was of the understanding that it would be broadcast by Sky News in the UK.

On Mr Obiagbena, I have not met him or ever been contacted by him.

Many Nigerians find it extremely difficult to understand how the former Chief of the Army Staff, Lt. Gen. Ihejirika, who actually fought Boko Haram elements and was accused of genocide could be linked with sponsoring the violent group.

It is much easier to understand Mr Sheriff’s alleged association with Boko Haram than any association of Mr Ihejirika. Mr Sheriff  was  said to have a long history of promoting groups to assist in his past efforts to win the governorship of Borno State.  On 29 July 2009, there was a confrontation with security officers at Mamudo Village, along Potiskum/Damaturu Road, Yobe. 33 JAS members were killed. Later that night, there was a long battle with combined security operatives at Railway Terminus, Maiduguri, Borno State. Scores were killed and the JAS  operational base was destroyed. Yusuf was subsequently captured by the military and handed over to the police. The JAS alleged that it was on Sheriff’s orders that Yusuf was executed in Maiduguri on 30 July 2009. Shekau was presumed killed in the same battle and a corpse was identified as that of Shekau. Thus the remaining JAS leaders made it clear their intention was to kill Sheriff and so it is right that Sheriff claims he is a victim of  JAS. The Boko Haram we see today is not the JAS that was operational under Yusuf. Shekau emerged in mid-2010 and publicly claimed the leadership of a reinvigorated JAS.

Shekau formed Ansaru which he used for kidnapping and beheading victims. This behaviour was a major departure from the original mandate of the JAS which was to purify Islam and return it to the behaviour example in the life of the Prophet. Many among the JAS leadership are no longer active and others have been killed. This has allowed Shekau to take the JAS to more extreme action and expanded the kidnapping, bombing and slaughtering. The Boko Haram we have today is a much expanded Ansaru. What we see now is not the Yusufiya which wanted very much to settle scores with Sheriff.  It is Boko Haram as a partner to ISIS and Al Shabaab.

Now I will offer an opinion as to the motives of the sponsors of Boko Haram.The political sponsors of Boko Haram seem to think that they can use Boko Haram to terrorise Nigeria to demonstrate that the current government cannot ensure the security of Nigerian citizens both Muslim and Christian. Therein the sponsors assume they can undermine any efforts of the current government to be re-elected in 2015. Herein lies the flaw for the conflict and instability currently being fanned suits the aims of Al Qa’eda and the architects of terrorism. Should the sponsors of Boko Haram win government in 2015, they will likely find that they cannot turn Boko Haram off or that Boko Haram will demand control of at least Borno State in return for reducing their attacks. Borno State may be just the beginning of an expanding caliphate.

Several Boko Haram commanders and other persons close to and respected by Boko Haram have told me the names of some of the sponsors of Boko Haram. They have also described how some funds are transferred and arms made available. I have made public some of that information. I have also been told by some commanders that if  one of the sponsors  is arrested, they will surrender, release the girls and give  information on the sponsors. Not all Boko Haram commanders will follow this lead but it may be a firm step towards dismantling or at least isolating Boko Haram.

 

 

Northern Youth Seeks Lamido’s Expulsion from PDP

A group of northern Nigeria youth, under the auspices of Northern Youth Forum, Jigawa State Chapter, has called on the national leadership of Peoples Democratic Party (PDP), to commence the process of expelling Jigawa State governor, Alhaji Sule Lamido from the party for distancing himself from endorsing president Goodluck Jonathan’s second tenure.

The call was contained in a statement signed by the director publicity of the group, Sani Talba Auyo, and made available to reporters in Kano.

The statement said attention of the group has been drawn to the recent utterances made by the Jigawa State governor against endorsement of the president’s second tenure, labeling it as unguarded and blackmail.

Last week, the North-west PDP endorsed president Jonathan for a second term in office. But the Jigawa State governor, through his deputy, Alhaji Ahmad Mahmud Gumel, dissociated the governor from the purported endorsement of Jonathan by the northwest PDP.

Why President Jonathan Will Win In 2015 – Olumhense

WITH less than six months to Nigeria’s 2015 presidential contest, I predict that one Goodluck Ebele Jonathan will win it. He already holds the job, and many cite the power of incumbency to back up that belief.   

  They are wrong; in a normal democracy, incumbency would be a serious handicap because the candidate can be handcuffed to his record. Not in Nigeria, and there are really two reasons Mr. Jonathan stands poised to take his third oath of presidential office next May.  

  The first is that he is a man of great understanding.  Mr. Jonathan understands that Nigeria is an abandoned project, literally and figuratively. Nigerians do not care. They do not care about themselves.  And they care still less about Nigeria.  

  Nigerians are curiously insulted if you say something “negative” about someone of their ethnicity, but they do not react the same way if you insult Nigeria. Nigerians are more offended if you insult their government than they are if you insult their country. The same Nigerians are not offended when their government makes their country look like a bad joke.

  The second reason Mr. Jonathan holds the aces as we approach February 2015 is that Nigerians are very forgetful, and hate to question. A Nigerian reads the most scandalous story about Nigeria, and just shrugs. A Nigerian journalist leaves home for his journalism job, but gets there and becomes a civil servant.  

  Since his ascendancy to the top of the ladder in 2007, Mr. Jonathan has reached this understanding. He has found Nigeria a boring and easy game anyone can do in their sleep, not the challenge he was hearing about on television.  

  Most of all, the Nigeria ruler knows Nigerians are happy to keep Nigeria that way. This is why he is poised to win in 2015.

  A few weeks ago, “Mr. Fix-It” Tony Anenih, who chairs the Board of Trustees of the Peoples Democratic Party (PDP) disclosed that Mr. Jonathan will run for office next year, a decision known only in the inner circles, and one the president ought to announce by himself.

  That fact confirmed the power relations within the presidency, and the nature of Anenih’s presence in it. “Mr. Fix-It,” by the way, doubles as the chairman of the board of the Nigeria Ports Authority (NPA). The NPA and the Ministry of Petroleum Resources are reported to form a formidable power couple when it comes to financial backing for the president’s electoral ambitions. The Ministry, remember, has become the personal fiefdom of Diezani Alison-Madueke, the ethics of whom are routinely questioned by many Nigerians. But she is a pretty lady, and Mr. Jonathan does not argue with great beauty.

  Mr. Jonathan is poised to win in 2015 because the Nigerian people understand that he is their Master, in office to serve his own will. As a result, he is not answerable to the very people who put him in office.

  Those people include the Boko Haram abducted children of Chibok, in Borno State, who have become a byword for historic government irresponsibility. They and their suffering families are an abandoned project that would have embarrassed a military dictatorship.

  It is difficult to accept that the States of Borno, Adamawa and Yobe are under a state of emergency, given the success that the militants are enjoying there, treating Nigerian soldiers like amateurs. The military now appear lost…or abandoned.  

  Last week, as official denials came to an end and the insurgents assumed firm control of Bama, soldiers were reported to be removing their families from Maiduguri, as Boko Haram distributed fliers announcing it intends to seize the city.  

 That is a good sign for Mr. Jonathan’s re-election. No, he did not create Boko Haram, but he has promised to deal with them. Earlier in August, he promised to “lead Nigerians” to defeat the militants.  Those who were paying attention would have recognized the joke: In March 2012, in South Korea, he told the Yonhap News Agency he would end the Boko Haram challenge within three months, stressing that Nigeria’s security forces would take “total control” of the areas in contest. The August 2014 renewal of the joke is a punch in the nose for those who say Mr. Jonathan in military fatigues looks like a Nollywood actor.  

  But, he is deathly serious, reminding Nigerians that the problem with asking him to rescue the Chibok girls is that he is caught between using force and endangering their lives, or undermining the sovereignty of Nigeria by succumbing to the terms of the terrorists.  He does not accept responsibility for letting the militants get away with 276 girls in the first place.  

   In other words, despite all the promises published so far, the abducted girls had better plan their own escape as some of them have done, or they are on their own.  There is a presidential election to win.

  Enthusiastic Nigerian voters will recall that in January 2011, the Presidential Advisory Committee, submitting its report, drew attention to ongoing and severe depletion of the country’s Excess Crude Account, from $20b in 2007 to under $400m in September 2010.  The Theophilus Danjuma-led group criticized the alarming cost of running the government, citing “an army of special advisers and assistants.”

  Mr. Jonathan promised to implement the committee’s recommendations, but just week after receiving its report, he appointed three new advisers.

  The signs of re-election come from as far back as the last election.  As recorded by the International Press Centre in collaboration with the Institute for War and Peace, here are Mr. Jonathan’s 91 electoral promises from 2011.  One week before his inauguration, in May 2011, I also documented “A Mountain Of Promises.”  Next February, Nigerians will vote for Mr. Jonathan overwhelmingly, in exchange for a longer list of promises. 

  On July 14, 2011, six weeks after he assumed office, Mr. Jonathan said he was starting an anti-corruption “war,” beginning with a comprehensive audit of the financial transactions of all Federal Government ministries, departments and agencies and with effect from 2007.  Abandoned.

  Beginning on January 8, 2011, the Abuja-based Leadership Newspaper ran a series it called, “Nigeria: The Country’s White Elephant Projects,” demonstrating just how pervasive uncompleted projects were at all levels of government.

  In a follow-up, two months later, Mr. Jonathan set up a Presidential Projects Assessment Committee to look into the issue of uncompleted federal projects. The group reported at least 11,886, with many more unidentified! Mr. Jonathan took the report, made suitable promises, and then abandoned the report.

  I could carry on, for hours. The point was to demonstrate that Mr. Jonathan has all the credentials to be re-elected, easily, in 2015. It is an abandoned country, and the only thing Nigerians are prepared to do about it is abuse anyone who says they should do something about it.  

  Let us pray.

sonala.olumhense@gmail.com

Twitter: @Sonala.Olumhense

Abazie: Passing The Petroleum Industry Bill Is Key To Growth

• How Nigeria Loses $11 billion Annually To Oil Theft

• Investment Decisions Delayed

Mr. Moritz Abazie, Managing Director and Chief Executive Officer of Port Harcourt-based Strides Energy and Maritime Limited, an offshore oil and gas services company, in this interview with MARCEL MBAMALU, speaks very passionately about Nigeria’s oil and gas sector and the need to quickly pass the Petroleum Industry Bill (PIB) into law.

In your opinion is the Nigerian oil and gas industry actually growing and why?

The Nigerian oil and gas industry is not growing, incidentally, the country has an ambitious target of achieving  four million barrels of production per day by 2020. Talking about growing local content, yes we are doing well, this is, however, one dimension to it; the industry, as a whole, is bogged down by myriads of problems that must be resolved to set it on the path of growth.

   The Petroleum Industry Bill (PIB) is fundamental to the growth question. Presently, many investment decisions by major operators are on hold and projects are being delayed. Exploration spend is very low and so reserves are not growing as required. Rig counts are also very low, all pointing at reduced activities in the industry. A lot of these are tied to the non-passage of the PIB, which creates an atmosphere of uncertainty.       The PIB is expected to resolve governance issues for the industry among other things. We also have the oil theft challenge, which has grown to a crisis situation. This is despite the amnesty programme. Again, the PIB provides for equity participation of the host communities, which gives them an incentive and responsibility to protect the oil and gas infrastructures in their communities; this is why we think that the PIB should be put to test.

The state of the PIB is currently a challenge for the oil and gas sector; from an industry player’s perspective, what would you say are the impediments to passing the bill into law?

    The situation is that there are arguments for and against various aspects of the bill, the areas that seek to review the fiscal terms of engagement is generating lots of controversy for obvious reason, but there are non controversial and equally important provisions, like the aspect that deals with the establishment of clearer governance structure for the industry. Some people believe that, probably, the bill should be unbundled so that these non-controversial provisions can be passed while we are tinkering with the rest to enable the industry start reaping the benefits of the bill in part. 

    My contribution to this is that we have argued over this bill for too long and there is no perfect law. The PIB needs to be passed and put to test, amendments can be made in future according to lessons to be derived from its implementation.

Do you see the PIB getting passed into law before the expiration of this dispensation?

This question is best answered by the National Assembly, every other opinion belongs to the realm of speculations.

Some stakeholders say the Nigerian content Act, to a large extent, is being abused in the industry. Do you share this sentiment?

    The Nigerian content act is a success story; it is also a work in progress. There is room for improvement in its implementation. The most widely abused part of the Act is the area of expatriate quota and employment of Nigerian human resources. Some of the multinationals in the industry are still deploying more expatriate personnel than what the Act permits, at the expense of local employment opportunities for Nigerians. 

    What is more worrisome is the fact that, in some cases, the expatriates are employed for jobs that can be carried out by Nigerians, and these expatriates are, of course, better remunerated than their Nigerian counterparts, who are, in some cases, better qualified.

     Recently some of these multinationals have come under the hammer of NCDMB for these abuses. Hyundai Heavy Industries (HHI) and Saipem were banned by NCDMB from participating in tendering processes in the industry. If NCDMB can strengthen its investigation and enforcement machinery, it will succeed in this area as well.

    Another area that requires improvement is crude oil lifting. It is necessary for the government to support local players in acquiring the vessel capacity to qualify them to transport Nigerian crude, because a lot of capital flight is taking place through this area.

The International Oil Companies (IOCs) are currently divesting from their assets in Nigeria. Do you think this is healthy for the industry?

     Asset portfolio restructuring is part of the industry dynamics. Acquisitions and divestments are business decisions taken for strategic reasons. The big IOCs are better off in the deep offshore, because they have the exclusive technical and financial capacity to deal with the higher challenges it entails; the rewards are equally commensurate with the elevated level of challenges and risk. There is zero competition from local players and less community challenges as well. The local content objective also benefits from the opportunity for indigenous firms to acquire and operate assets released by the IOCs. These assets, in some cases, are better operated by the local firms, who are better placed to manage community relations for instance.

    You may recall that, before now, the IOCs were being encouraged to relinquish unused acreages and they were reluctant to do that, hence limiting opportunities for new investments. The divestment is not a problem. What we need to deal with is the PIB. If it is properly handled, the IOCs will concentrate in the deep offshore where they have competitive advantage, while the local players will operate the onshore and swamp assets more profitably.

Oil theft is seriously impeding growth of the sector. How do you think this menace could be addressed, especially in the waterways?

    The issue of oil theft in Nigerian has no doubt reached a crisis level, and I agree with the minister for Petroleum resources, who, in a recent statement, described the menace as being  multifaceted and complex. The co-operation of all stakeholders, including the international community, is required in solving the problem.

     Available records indicate that the country loses about $11 billion annually to oil theft. This is more than the total individual oil revenues of most oil producing countries in the world. There are other consequential costs of this to the nation, including environmental degradation arising from pipeline vandalisation and oil spill; the illegal refineries constitute environmental health hazards. The money derived from these activities goes into funding illegal activities such as terrorism and other forms of violent crime and arms conflict. The losses discourage investment in exploration and production, even making it more expensive. 

     The nation’s security architecture, as composed presently, has failed in dealing with this challenge. Some people talk about lack of political will to which I disagree; no government, in all rational sense, can lack the political will to deal with a problem that constitutes such level of threat to its stability. The right strategic mix should be crafted and correctly executed. This will require the active support of all stakeholders some of which should be incentivised. 

     Starting from the home front, the host communities should have an incentive for protecting the oil and gas infrastructure in their communities, there should also be consequences for failure; the PIB covered this much. There have been allegations of collaboration between bunkerers and security personnel deployed to protect the pipe lines, those allegations should be properly looked into. 

    At the international level, these stolen crude are sold and refined in the international community by established institutions that are traceable; fund is moved around international banks. This is criminal, and it is possible to disrupt the flow with the co-operation of the international community. The vessels that transport stolen crude are registered vessels and should be impounded wherever they are found. Crude oil has identity so the refineries can easily confirm or trace the source of every consignment delivered to them, not doing that should be criminalised. The G-8 made a pledge since 2000 to help Nigeria fight this menace by disrupting the trade at the international level, it is in the interest of the global community to stand up to this because the resources derived from it could be funding terrorism.

Do you think Nigeria has the requisite manpower to develop its oil and gas sector, given the call for more local participation?

      The oil and gas industry has been active in Nigeria for over 50 yearsl; we should be exporting skilled manpower in this area to other countries of the world by now given the size of our population. So, yes, we have the manpower and we have high level of unemployed youths, who are trainable to make up for any shortfall that might exist. That is why the Nigerian content Act is a welcome development because it encourages the training and use of local personnel. We cannot leave our youths in the labour market and go about importing expatriates to the detriment of our economic and social stability. Unemployment, in itself, is a national security risk.

What are the major challenges confronting players like you in the Industry?

   The three key factors critical to the oil and gas industry play are finance, technology and expertise. To be competitive, players need unhindered access to finance at the right cost. There have been some improvements in the Nigerian financial market over time in providing financial support, but the cost is astronomical and the capacity for high-stake funding is also very limited. Technology and expertise are things that are continuously evolving and never enough; so, training, collaboration or partnership with international players are key to success.

As an oil servicing company, how can the country leverage new technology to boost hydrocarbon production?

   The oil and gas industry is heavily dependent on high technology, that is why it is not a massive employer of labour. Over time, the industry has been moving into more challenging, harsh and difficult environments to find the hydrocarbon requirement for meeting the growing global appetite for energy. Technology is continuously being evolved to deal with this situation and to improve recovery even in the older fields.  

    Investment in research and development need to be emphasized, besides that we recognize the need to partner  with players from the more advanced countries with advanced technology which can be leveraged upon to optimised our performance.

How does your company intend to impact the petroleum industry given the enormous expectations of Nigerians?

   The vision of Strides is to be the leading asset solutions provider acknowledged by all stakeholders in the African offshore oil and gas construction market. We are specialized in the offshore sector so we own and operate offshore construction assets ranging from pipelay barges to dredging vessels and other support assets.

 The medium-term goal of Strides Energy is asset expansion, in an attempt to grow capacity according to the objectives of the local content Act. In doing this, training and development of local expertise for the management and operation of these assets is critical, and we are addressing that.

APC Presidential Ticket: Buhari, Kwakwanso on Collision Course

As tussle for the emergence of the Presidential flag-bearer of the All Progressives Congress (APC) hots up, two likely aspirants from the North-west, former Head of State, General Muhammadu Buhari, and Kano state Governor, Rabiu Musa Kwakwanso, appear set to battle it out over who picks the votes from the zone.
Both politicians have expressed interest in running for the highest office in the land and are currently mobilising support in aid of their ambition.

While Governor Kwakwanso has already gotten about four groups canvassing for support for his presidential ambition, pro-Buhari groups and affiliate loyalists from the defunct Congress for Progressive Change (CPC) are daily mounting pressure of the former Head of state to take another shot at the presidential contest.

But an aide to Buhari who spoke to THISDAY yesterday evening on the plans of his boss confirmed that the former Head of state will go ahead and launch his presidential bid as soon as he returns from an overseas trip.
In the last few weeks, leaders of APC in the North-west have tried to broker an agreement between the aspirants so as to enable the zone to present one consensus candidate at the party presidential primaries.

THISDAY gathered that during one such meetings held  recently in Kaduna both sides tried explore the possibility of a working relationship which could see one of them withdrawing from the race and supporting the other. Although there was major agreement reached at the meeting, insiders at the talks described it as purely exploratory engagement which may later materialiase into a consensus-building arrangement.

However, between the duo exists a generational difference which loyalists of Governor Kwakwanso hope to exploit to advantage. Already sources revealed that the governor has started acquiring campaign vehicles and branding them in readiness for deployment for the presidential race.
According to a top member of the Kwakwansia Ambassadors of Nigeria (KAN), Yusuf Danjuma, what the governor’s loyalists are pushing for is to get Buhari to buy into the idea of giving a younger and credible politician from the north a chance to contest the 2015 presidential election.

He explained that the reason for the present clamour is for a younger and more electable candidate to emerge from the north since Buhari appeared to have been branded a religious bigot by opponents and politicians from the South who are bent on using such negative appellation to once more run down his campaign during the election.
Speaking on the prospect of Kwakwanso running for the APC presidential ticket, Danjuma said the Kano governor is presently under immense pressure to gun for presidency.

“The pressure on the governor to contest for presidency has gone beyond his control. Many individuals and groups are urging him to step out and these support groups are cut across geo-political zones of the country,” he said.

 

AFCON 2015: Congo’s Red Devils Stun Super Eagles 3-2

African champions Nigeria lost their first competitive match after the 2014 FIFA World Cup as they were shocked 3-2 by Congo’s Red Devils in an AFCON 2015 qualifier played in Calabar yesterday.

The Congolese who only earned the right to contest qualification for the continental championship taking place in Morocco next year due to the disqualification of Rwanda, had a surprisingly easy ride against their hosts and practically strolled through the match apart from a few anxious moments as the game drew to a close.

There was no forewarning of the Eagles’ capitulation against the team coached by veteran manager, Claude Leroy, as they took an early lead which was supposed to be the cue for a floodgate of goals.

Fielding what can be considered a full strength team – apart from the exclusion of Vincent Enyeama due to personal matters, and Emanuel Emenike who was surprisingly dropped to the bench – Nigeria scored in the 13th minute from a set piece.
Ahmed Musa whipped in a cross which was headed back across goal by Elderson Echiejile for fellow fullback, Efe Ambrose, to head home from close range.

It was an unlikely route for the Eagles because the Congolese were the much taller team. However, if the expectation was  for the Red Devils to use their height advantage by pumping balls in the air while the home team pass the ball round like champions are supposed to, there was a shock in wait for the home supporters.

The Congolese played some nifty football and duly equalized barely two minutes after going behind and before the Nigerian fans had finished celebrating. Thievy Bifouma went past the Nigeria defence from the right flank and lad a pass for skipper Prince Oniangue who easily slotted home from inside the box.

If the goal was supposed to be a blip before normal proceeding were restored, then the Congolese obviously didn’t read the script.
Bifouma turned from provider to scorer in the 40th minute, when he combined well inside the box before he picked his spot with the left foot to help Congo to a 2-1 lead which they held on to till halftime.

With defeat staring Stephen Keshi’s charges in the face, the Nigerian manager brought Emenike and Nosa Igiebor from the bench early in the second half to add pep to the Eagles attack.

However, the second half followed the same pattern as the first with the Congolese confident and comfortable on the ball while the Eagles were lethargic and out of ideas. The Eagles resorted to long balls forward, a worrying trait that has become the hallmark of the team in the last year or two.

The Eagles also betrayed a lack of composure and professionalism by losing their cool; Mikel Obi and Ahmed Musa received unnecessary yellow cards in quick succession for confronting the match officials.

This lack of control exhibited by the Eagles resulted in the avoidable concession of a penalty by Ogenyi Onazi as he brought down the outstanding Bifouma in the box. The spot-kick was duly dispatched with aplomb by the attacker for his second goal – and Congo’s third -in the 54th minute.

Even after trailing by two goals, the Eagles didn’t look like threatening the Congolese goal as the match wound down apart from a gilt-edged chance blown over the bar by Nosa Igiebor even with opportunities at a premium. If anything, the Congolese looked likely to increase their lead.

Not until the waning moments of the match did the Eagles grab a lifeline through Gbolahan Salami, a home-based player with Warri Wolves. The substitute scrambled in a goal in the 89th minute after a goal mouth melee that resulted from yet another set piece, this time a corner.

It was not enough though, as the Congolese held on for a first win over Nigeria in 44 years.
The match mirrored many others on the continent, with many away teams recording victory and many of the much-fancied teams dropping points. This can only be a good omen for African football; playing at home is no guarantee of a favourable result.
Nigeria’s next game is on Wednesday against South Africa. The Bafana Bafana won away at Sudan, emerging 3-nil victors.

Uzodinma Urges Igbos to Re-elect Jonathan in 2015

Igbos have been urged to re-elect  President Goodluck Jonathan in 2015  because he has shown an uncommon leadership that has revamped the nation’s economy and has deepened democracy through respect for the rule of law and adherence to the provisions of the constitution.

Senator Hope Uzodinma, representing Imo West in the National Assembly, and Chairman Senate Committee on Aviation, made the appeal yesterday at the 20th World Igbo Congress in Houston, Texas, USA. He said President Jonathan has done the nation proud and deserves the support of all Nigerians for re-election.

“From prompt and popular actions to bolster free, fair and credible elections, maintenance of stable prices for petroleum products, fiscal and monetary interventions in the real sector and the burgeoning film industry, to the silent but persistent responses to the energy challenges confronting the nation, President  Jonathan has proven to everyone but diehard critics that, good luck notwithstanding , he is the right man for today”  the Senator said.

Appealing directly for Igbo votes for Jonathan in 2015, Uzodinma added, “I enjoin you (my brothers and sisters) to stand on the right side of history, be bold, be courageous and be counted among the patriots.  Jonathan has done Nigeria proud. He has done  Ndigbo proud. He has brought uncommon dignity and candor to national leadership. He has proven to be a true Servant Leader who respects the constitution, abides by the rule of law and upholds the civil liberties of citizens. Above all, he has repositioned the economy for real growth and our country is slowly but surely marching into the industrial age.”

Where Obama could lose it all: Senate races to watch

WITH two months until mid-term congressional elections, President Barack Obama’s Democrats face increasingly long odds of maintaining control of the US Senate.

Republicans must gain six seats to take over, and many analysts say that goal is within reach.

Far more Democrats are up for re-election than Republicans this cycle, including four struggling to keep their seats in crucial swing states that Obama lost when he was re-elected in 2012.

But Republicans are hardly united in their tactics, as evidenced by pressure from core conservatives threatening a government shutdown over immigration policy — tactics experts warn could backfire.

Nevertheless, the wind is at Republicans’ backs in this mid-term election, which traditionally favors the opposition party in year six of a presidency, as this is.

Republicans are predicted to maintain control of the House of Representatives, where all 435 seats are being contested. Democrats are struggling to hang on in the 100-member Senate, where 36 seats are up for grabs.

Below is a list of key Senate races in November’s election and issues to watch as the parties battle for congressional supremacy.

Alaska

The race in this remote, independent-minded state features mud-slinging and vitriol, with freshman incumbent Mark Begich facing a strong challenge from Republican Dan Sullivan, appointed as attorney general in 2009 by then-governor Sarah Palin. Democrats accuse Sullivan of carpetbagging into Alaska. Each candidate has run controversial attack ads that were eventually pulled.

With Obama’s approval in the cellar here, Begich seeks to stand as his own man, declining to invite the president on the campaign trail.

Arkansas

Incumbent Senator Mark Pryor is vulnerable, no doubt. He and Republican Tom Cotton, an Iraq and Afghanistan war veteran and popular young conservative congressman, are in a dead heat, according to Friday polls. But Pryor is using a card in this southern state played by few swing-state Democrats: “Obamacare.”

Pryor highlighted his vote for Obama’s controversial health care reform law in a campaign ad, and Cotton, who has advocated repealing the law, has only offered a muted response. Pryor was called out for fear-mongering when he accused Cotton of voting “against preparing America for pandemics like Ebola.”

Louisiana

In the land of big oil, Senator Mary Landrieu is bracing for the political battle of her life against Republican Bill Cassidy, who is pegging her to unpopular Obama.

Like Begich, Landrieu has publicly criticized the White House for not authorizing construction of the Keystone XL oil pipeline from Canada to the Gulf Coast. And she is pressing her own initiatives for expanding offshore oil exploration.

North Carolina

Another state lost by Obama in 2012, North Carolina has experienced a conservative wave in recent years.

Voters have amended the state constitution to ban gay marriage, and lawmakers led by House speaker and Republican Senate challenger Thom Tillis approved ultra-conservative budget policies.

Incumbent Senator Kay Hagan has struck a centrist tone. She hits Obama on issues like veterans’ care, but blasts Tillis for shortchanging education. Hagan boasts that a newspaper called her “not too far left, not too far right — just like North Carolina.”

Other vulnerable Senate Democrats include: Colorado’s Mark Udall, whose approval ratings have slipped along with Obama’s in a volatile swing state; retiring Tom Harkin from the breadbasket of Iowa, where the race for his seat is considered a toss-up; another retiring senator, Carl Levin of Michigan; and New Hampshire incumbent Jeanne Shaheen, who seeks to fend off former senator Scott Brown.

Republicans in danger too

Red states Georgia, Kansas and Kentucky are weak spots in the Republican battle plan and could dash their hopes to retake the Senate, although polls there show Republicans hold slight edges.

Kentucky’s race, pitting entrenched Senate Majority Leader Mitch McConnell, 72, against Alison Lundergan Grimes, a political rookie half his age, is on track to be the most expensive in Senate history.

Georgia features a tight race between Democrat Michelle Nunn, who seeks to follow in the footsteps of her senator father who famously claimed the ideological middle ground, and Republican David Perdue, a former Reebok chief executive.

And Kansas incumbent Pat Roberts, 78 and a symbol of the Senate’s old guard, is under threat from the meteoric rise of independent Greg Orman, who is riding an anti-incumbency wave.

Predictions

Statistical models clearly favor Republicans. Political blog FiveThirtyEight gives the party a 63 percent chance of winning Senate control in November; The New York Times, 62 percent; Huffington Post, 59 percent and The Washington Post, 53 percent.

Adultery Not Anita Oyakhilome’s Ground for Divorce, Court Papers Show

Pastor Chris Oyakhilome

 

Facts have emerged at the weekend that the ground on which Pastor Anita Oyakhilome is seeking to divorce her husband, Pastor Chris Oyakhilome, the President of Believers’ Love World Inc., popularly known as Christ Embassy, is not adultery but on behaviours that suggest that she cannot ‘reasonably be expected’ to  live with him.

There had been media reports that Anita decided to divorce Pastor Chris based on allegations of ‘adultery’ and ‘unreasonable behaviours’ but a copy of the  court papers for the divorce process filed at the  Principal Registry of the Family Division (PRFD) of  the High Court of Justice in possession of THISDAY,  revealed that she applied for “divorce on the ground that the marriage has broken down irretrievably.”
In her statement of case in support of petition at PRFD with number FD14001650, Pastor Anita however, accused her husband of having inappropriate relationship with some of his female staff members.

According to the statement, “the wife has discussed with the husband his appropriate relationship with some of his female staff members. She has explained that this has given her cause for concern. The husband has minimised her worries and taken no step to alleviate her grievances.”

In fact, the statement indicated no allegation of adultery as there was no co-respondent to the petition and no names were mentioned.
Dictionary.com defines adultery as “voluntary sexual intercourse between a married person and a person who is not their spouse.”
The statement reads in part: “The wife submits that her marriage to the husband has irretrievably broken down and there is no hope of reconciliation. The wife will submit that it is the husband’s unreasonable behaviours which have led to this.

“The husband and the wife are both Pastors. The husband undertakes his work, in the main, in South Africa and Nigeria. The wife lives in the United Kingdom. The wife will say that they have lived separately for 16 years and over this time have drifted apart. The wife has come to realise that the husband will only visit the UK for annual church programmes that he holds rather than to be with this wife. The wife feels that he has been unavailable as a father to their children during their developing years.

“The wife feels that their marriage suffered under the pressure of their work. They would rarely spend time together due to the husband unavailability. Special occasions such as Christmas, Birthdays and family occasions and anniversaries past them by and their rarely spent any time together as a family as the husband was more devoted to his work than he was to them.

“The wife feels that she has been used to portray and enhance the husband’s image as a family man when the reality is that there is no existing relationship between them. She feels that she has been present for official functions simply for his convenience. On occasions she has been copied into his travel itinerary which has been given to him by his staff on a need to know basis.
“The wife has tried to discuss her concerns with the husband. He claims that she is carnal and he is insensitive to her feelings and her needs.”

“As a result of the husband’s attitude to their marriage, the wife will say that he is virtually not recognised as a married man in the ministry. His teachings and beliefs on marriage is that the husband is a master and a controller and the wife will say that his concept of biblical; submission is so extreme that it is impossible for her to meet his expectations. She feels humiliated by the way he treats her in the presence of his close female staff members and she feels that she has been taken for granted which has become unbearably stressful for her.

“The wife will say that the relationship with  the husband is non-existent to the point that his itinerary which was announced  publicly at the beginning of the year had no provision for time with his family. His staff members who travel with him organise both his personal and professional life without any input from her. The wife will say that she is treated with disregard almost like akin to an intruder.
“The wife feels that she has been mentally, physically and emotionally deprived of the experience of a marital relationship. She feels that the husband has persistently judged her  and his communication with her has been unduly harsh. The wife knows that he was hard to please and has been extremely critical.
“The wife reserves the right to expand on all of these particulars if the divorce petition is defended.”

Culled from THISDAY